Armed actors in Amhara Region: United Under Amhara Nationalism
Amhara regional special forces have played a key role in suppressing insurgency attempts within Amhara region, mostly by ethno-nationalist groups seeking greater autonomy. Besides the TPLF, Amhara regional special forces have been engaged in battles against Oromo ethnic militias and OLF-Shane insurgents in Oromia special zone, against Qemant militias near Gondar city, and more recently, against Fano militias in the eastern part of the region. Outside of Amhara region, Amhara regional forces have engaged in clashes in Benshangul/Gumuz region – in Metekel zone where many ethnic Amharas live15 – along the Sudanese border, and in Tigray region during the northern conflict. Like other regional special forces, Amhara regional special forces have been accused of serious crimes during these anti-insurgency operations. In December 2021, members of Amhara regional special forces, along with Fano militia members, were filmed extrajudicially killing 30 ethnic Oromo men after accusing them of collaborating with the OLF-Shane.16 Amhara regional forces and “irregular forces” were targeted specifically in an executive order imposing sanctions on individuals by the United States in September 2021 over their involvement in Tigray.17
Furthermore, special forces in Amhara region played a critical role in assisting the ENDF North Command Post by capturing and maintaining control of the Amhara ethnic homelands of Welkait Tesegede, Tselemt, Humera, and Raya areas of Tigray region. The special force units worked in close conjunction with ‘Fano’ militias, and both actors have been accused of serious war crimes against ethnic Tigrayans living in Western Tigray zone.18
In contrast to Fano militias, which are less formally organized and loyal to local organizers, Amhara regional special forces and Amhara state police are commanded by officers loyal to the regional presidency and Amhara Prosperity Party officials. In Amhara region, four different leaders have commanded the special forces since 2018. Brig. Gen. Asaminew Tsige, who was accused of orchestrating the killing of the Amhara regional president, was shot dead by security forces in 2019 during an escape attempt. His position was filled by Deputy Commissioner Biset Getahun, who held the position until July 2021. Brig. Gen. Tefera Mamo led the forces from July 2021 until his release in February 2022. Mamo was later arrested by federal troops in May 2022 in Addis Ababa on terrorism charges.19 Maj. Gen. Mesele Belete led the force until it was dissolved this month.
Fano is a loose term referring to local militias, often comprised of young men, who are tasked with protecting ethnic Amhara communities. Unlike other ethnic militias in Ethiopia, the Fano in Amhara region are deeply connected and advocate for both a united Ethiopia and the restoration of Amhara governance over traditional Amhara homelands, which includes areas of Western and Southern Tigray zones. The Fano are supported by local communities, and its leadership often includes former members of regional or federal armed forces.
As part of the conflict against the TPLF, regular services were suspended in Amhara region, including the budget, to focus on issues related to war efforts.20 This included the recruitment and arming of ethnic Amharas throughout Ethiopia and in the diaspora, with many of them integrated into Fano militias.21 During this time, Fano became more formalized as an organization, announcing provincial commanders and organizational structures. As conflict has abated in the country, ENDF soldiers moving along roadways and towns in Amhara region have engaged in sporadic clashes with Fano militias, evidencing a potential brewing storm.
The fallout between the federal government – represented by the Amhara branch of the Prosperity Party – and Fano has been long coming. Lack of federal action against the targeting of ethnic Amhara communities in Oromia special zone, Amhara region, as well as in Oromia and Benshangul/Gumuz regions, has driven anger against the federal government and Amhara Prosperity Party. Likewise, the perception that ethnic Oromos are dominating the government has led many Fano members to conclude that the current administration is not willing to protect Amhara interests.22 Fano members who engage in clashes with the forces of another region, or with the federal government are often referred to as ‘extremists’ by the government.23 Despite having often fought side-by-side against the TPLF, attempts to disarm Fano militias by Amhara regional special forces loyal to the Amhara Prosperity Party have been met with violence in 2022.
The Amhara Prosperity Party has found itself in an increasingly difficult position over the past few years as the federal government – led by Prosperity Party officials – has been accused by ethno-nationalist organizations of ignoring the killings and displacement of ethnic Amharas and advancing a pro-Oromo agenda.24 Amhara nationalist voices have become increasingly popular as they accuse the government of engaging with the TPLF and the OLF-Shane in peace talks in a way that removes accountability for the wrongs inflicted on Amhara people, and leaving the Amhara region defenseless after disarming the special forces.25 For instance, in April 2021, mass demonstrations were held in all major cities in Amhara region against the increasingly frequent violent attacks and displacement of ethnic Amharas from areas in Oromia, Amhara, and Benshangul/Gumuz regions (for more information, see EPO Weekly: 17-23 April 2021).
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